Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Endorsements -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- 1. Introduction: The social world of Pakistan -- Self-conception, discourse, and position: Why social processes matter -- Researching Pakistan: Discussion on the case study Outline of the book -- 2. State socialization as role compatibility -- Socialization and foreign policy -- National role conceptions and role compatibility -- An interpretive approach to roles -- State identity in an interactionist perspective -- The model -- 3. Acquiring statehood and building social identity -- The creation of Pakistan and the acquisition of the role of sovereign state -- The military as primary voice for Pakistan: Exploring domestic role contestations in the country's early years and how it shaped Pakistan's contemporary self-role conception -- Social identity and normative boundaries -- Civilian oversight of the military as an international norm -- Domestic socialization and failure of civilian control in Pakistan -- From deviant to stigmatized: External process of stigmatization -- Managing the stigma -- Conclusion -- 4. Setting the stage: Pakistan and its significant others' NRCs -- Pakistan's NRCs -- India's roles and great power status-seeking -- American NRCs and their global structuring impact -- China's role definition as alternative dominant socializer -- Role salience -- Role salience in Pakistani NRCs, 2008-2018 -- Role salience in Indian NRCs, 2000-2018 -- Role salience in American NRCs, 2000-2018 -- Role salience in Chinese NRCs, 2000-2018 -- 5. Dealing with the other: The construction of India-Pakistan oppositional identities -- Stuck in the past -- Carrying the weight of the past -- The media and the entrenchment of roles -- Assessing responsibility to derail socialization efforts.

The article discusses interpretive epistemology in international relations (IR) and its advantages to address the field's sociological composition, its scholars' identity, and knowledge structuration. The research proposes to engage in sociological reflexivity on IR methods and the way in which knowledge accumulation and structuration are driven by canonical assumptions of what are considered "normal"/"good" scientific procedures. The central argument focuses on interpretive epistemological approaches as possible venues for research to participate in the collective effort to address, and redress, the imbalance between the sociology of the field and its knowledge production and structuration processes. By allowing dialogue around meanings and interpretation among increasingly diverse members, an interpretive stance on IR opens the floor to criticism and rival interpretations. More specifically, the paper presents the methodology of interpretive phenomenological analysis as a method which both emphasizes context and actor specificity with regard to the subject of study and fully acknowledges the researcher's identity and voice in scientific inquiry.

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.

Some states are widely recognized by policy makers and scholars as middle powers. The characteristics that were highlighted for these countries have become the basic guidelines for understanding middle powermanship and developing the corresponding theory. While those analyses offer rich in-depth insights into the foreign policy of specific countries, they have so far lacked a further step of generalization. When establishing such power-based rankings, we assume the possibility to determine states' capacities so as to identify their position in said ranking. As appealing as this theoretical model may be, the reality of international politics increasingly challenge it. Thus, we argue that this theoretical inadequacy is due to the fact that middle power theory as it has been developed so far should be understood as an inductive, not a deductive, approach . Consequently, the contemporary reality calls for yet another stage of development in this theory. The choice of Pakistan as our case study arises from the observation that while Pakistan can hardly fit into the current classification(s) of middle powermanship due to its poor economic and development performances, it is a nuclear state and is –at least– in the top twenty armies of the world. Moreover, we find several cases in which Pakistan has used the diplomatic tools characterizing middle powers, such as mediation or niche diplomacy. Our paper aims at answering two questions: (1) can middle power theory bring some light on Pakistan's positioning in world politics? (2) Alternatively, what does the case of Pakistan tell us about the (ir)relevance of middle power theory? We build upon role theory to develop the case of middle powermanship as a status-role bundle, by analyzing three specific cases of Pakistan's foreign policy: Pakistani nuclear posturing, its Afghan policy and its posturing vis-à-vis the Saudi-Iranian regional competition.

While a great deal of attention is devoted to the Pacific region as the new chessboard of international politics, Pakistan remains a key actor in terms of both threat and potential. Two observations back this argument: first, Pakistan's fundamental roles as a state are challenged by its ongoing conflict with India and internal insurgencies. Second, due to a power-status gap, Pakistan experiences difficulties in holding specific self-conceived roles. In addition to hampering its socio-economic potential, these developments prevent Pakistan's quest for normalization in the system. As a consequence, we argue that engaging with Islamabad should be a priority for Washington so as to prevent the country from further aligning with Beijing, thus reinforcing China's regional leadership and status as peer-competitor to the United States. Indeed, as the potential for deviance in the international system arises from its normative dimension, the US, as the global leader, counts among its roles that of norm-setter and primary socializer for most states. Our research proposes to look at an old puzzle with new theoretical insights. By addressing the question of Washington's engagement towards non-conforming states, we aim to document a set of socialization processes as intervening variables linking American global role as leader and primary socializer to Pakistan's process of social integration (normalization/deviance). Drawing from sociology and social psychology, the paper seeks to explore the ability of the leader to act as a primary source of role location and status recognition towards non-conforming states so as to integrate them (back) into the US-led system.

Some states are widely recognized by policy makers and scholars as middle powers. The characteristics that were highlighted for these countries have become the basic guidelines for understanding middle powermanship and developing the corresponding theory. While those analyses offer rich in-depth insights into the foreign policy of specific countries, they have so far lacked a further step of generalization. When establishing such power-based rankings, we assume the possibility to determine states' capacities so as to identify their position in said ranking. As appealing as this theoretical model may be, the reality of international politics increasingly challenge it. Thus, we argue that this theoretical inadequacy is due to the fact that middle power theory as it has been developed so far should be understood as an inductive, not a deductive, approach . Consequently, the contemporary reality calls for yet another stage of development in this theory. The choice of Pakistan as our case study arises from the observation that while Pakistan can hardly fit into the current classification(s) of middle powermanship due to its poor economic and development performances, it is a nuclear state and is –at least– in the top twenty armies of the world. Moreover, we find several cases in which Pakistan has used the diplomatic tools characterizing middle powers, such as mediation or niche diplomacy. Our paper aims at answering two questions: (1) can middle power theory bring some light on Pakistan's positioning in world politics? (2) Alternatively, what does the case of Pakistan tell us about the (ir)relevance of middle power theory? We build upon role theory to develop the case of middle powermanship as a status-role bundle, by analyzing three specific cases of Pakistan's foreign policy: Pakistani nuclear posturing, its Afghan policy and its posturing vis-à-vis the Saudi-Iranian regional competition.

Une réflexion sur la notion de puissance reste indispensable alors que la fragmentation actuelle du monde semble remettre en cause les modèles traditionnels, remettant en premier plan l'affrontement d'intérêts sou- vent opposés et amenant à la violence.

"The term 'middle power' is conceptually fragile. Some scholars have even argued for abandoning it. This book argues that the concept needs to be analysed more profoundly and that new analytical tools need to be developed to better understand the phenomenon. The traditional approach, based on Western states, is insufficient and has become increasingly irrelevant in a transformed global environment. Instead of drawing from a single theory of international relations, the contributors have chosen to build upon a wide range of theories in a deliberate demonstration of analytic eclecticism. A pluralistic approach provides stronger explanations while remaining analytically and intellectually rigorous. Many of the theory contributions are reconsidering how the largely 'Western' bases of such theorizing need revising in light of the 'emerging Middle Powers', many of which are in Asia. Presenting a strong argument for studying middle powers, this book explores both the theory and empirical applications of the concept by rethinking the definition and characteristics of middle powers using a range of case studies. It examines changes in the study of middle powers over the last decade, proposing to look at the concept of middle powers in a coherent and inclusive manner. Finally it aims to further the discussion on the evolution of the international system and provides sound conclusions about the theoretical usefulness and empirical evolution of middle powers today"--

While the value of student peer-assessment (SPA) is now largely acknowledged, it can be problematic for teachers to implement such a method in large groups and to ensure that students accept and benefit from it. This Working Paper focuses on this issue learning from the experience of implementing SPA with first year bachelor students following an introductory course in political science at the Université catholique de Louvain (UCL). To this end, this article is twofold: on the one hand, it presents the project that was implemented both in its objectives and its design and, on the other hand, it discusses its impact on the students, as measured by original data collected along the implementation of SPA. The findings show that online SPA has a positive impact for the students in terms of increasing their (perceived) abilities. The research also delivers interesting results concerning students' post-SPA perceptions of their ability to assess their peers' works and of their peers' ability to assess their own works.

While the value of student peer-assessment (SPA) is now largely acknowledged, it can be problematic for teachers to implement such a method in large groups and to ensure that students accept and benefit from it. This Working Paper focuses on this issue learning from the experience of implementing SPA with first year bachelor students following an introductory course in political science at the Université catholique de Louvain (UCL). To this end, this article is twofold: on the one hand, it presents the project that was implemented both in its objectives and its design and, on the other hand, it discusses its impact on the students, as measured by original data collected along the implementation of SPA. The findings show that online SPA has a positive impact for the students in terms of increasing their (perceived) abilities. The research also delivers interesting results concerning students' post-SPA perceptions of their ability to assess their peers' works and of their peers' ability to assess their own works.

Student peer-assessment (SPA) is known as an innovative collaborative method of learning. While the values of SPA are wildly accepted (Topping, 1998; Cho & al. 2006), it can be problematic for teachers to implement this kind of method in large classrooms and to insure that students accept and benefit of it. In the Belgian context, implementing student peer-assessment at the Bachelor level is challenging in multiple ways: First, while the number of universities using this kind of method is increasing , Belgian universities have still to take the step. The experience presented in this article will, therefore, be of particular interest in terms of sharing of practices. Second, the use of SPA as a learning and assessment method means to challenge student's learning habits and to ask them to replace individual and competitive learning for collaborative learning. Both challenges raise sets of questions about the institutional, personal or technological capacity to adapt . Among all the issues raised by student peer-assessment, the question of how students benefit of this practice still needs to be studied. This contribution will focus on this specific question and will discuss the implications of implementing SPA in first year bachelor students in political sciences. Using the data of a pre and post questionnaire and of students' results, our main argument is that online SPA can significantly help students to improve their learning outcomes. This working-in progress paper will be divided into three parts. The first part briefly presents the project implemented (objectives and design). The second part presents the research that has been carried out. The results of the research will be presented in the third part. The last part is dedicated to a more general discussion on student peer-assessment.

Student peer-assessment (SPA) is known as an innovative collaborative method of learning. While the values of SPA are wildly accepted (Topping, 1998; Cho & al. 2006), it can be problematic for teachers to implement this kind of method in large classrooms and to insure that students accept and benefit of it. In the Belgian context, implementing student peer-assessment at the Bachelor level is challenging in multiple ways: First, while the number of universities using this kind of method is increasing , Belgian universities have still to take the step. The experience presented in this article will, therefore, be of particular interest in terms of sharing of practices. Second, the use of SPA as a learning and assessment method means to challenge student's learning habits and to ask them to replace individual and competitive learning for collaborative learning. Both challenges raise sets of questions about the institutional, personal or technological capacity to adapt . Among all the issues raised by student peer-assessment, the question of how students benefit of this practice still needs to be studied. This contribution will focus on this specific question and will discuss the implications of implementing SPA in first year bachelor students in political sciences. Using the data of a pre and post questionnaire and of students' results, our main argument is that online SPA can significantly help students to improve their learning outcomes. This working-in progress paper will be divided into three parts. The first part briefly presents the project implemented (objectives and design). The second part presents the research that has been carried out. The results of the research will be presented in the third part. The last part is dedicated to a more general discussion on student peer-assessment.

Depuis quelques années, l'évaluation par les étudiants (student peer-assessement) s'impose comme une méthode innovante et particulièrement efficace pour l'apprentissage des étudiants (Li et al. 2009). Dans le milieu universitaire belge francophone, cette pratique est pourtant encore peu présente. Cette communication vise à présenter et à discuter le nouveau système d'évaluation proposé depuis 2013 aux 1200 étudiants du cours de sciences politiques (BAC 1) à l'Université catholique de Louvain. Ce dispositif est construit autour de trois axes. Primo, il consiste en la mise en place d'un module d'évaluation par les pairs incluant un volet grading et un volet reviewing. Le module se compose de quatre ateliers successifs qui suivent le déroulement du cours magistral. La note finale obtenue par les étudiants se compose dès lors de la note de peer-assessement et de la note liée à la partie magistrale du cours. Secundo, ce dispositif octroie une place importante aux TIC : le module de peer-assessement, implémenté via le logiciel Moodle, a été intégré dans un parcours pédagogique sur la plateforme Claroline. Il montre que, sous certaines conditions, les désavantages soulignés par Bouzidi & Jaillet (2007) concernant l'utilisation des TIC peuvent être neutralisés. Tertio, l'impact de ce système d'évaluation sur la perception de l'apprentissage par les étudiants et sur leur réussite est étudié. A cet égard, un questionnaire a été distribué en début et en fin de processus. Celui-ci contient notamment des questions liées au sentiment de compétences des étudiants et à leur maitrise de l'outil informatique. Les résultats de ce questionnaire et des analyses des données quantitatives (activités online des étudiants) seront présentées lors du colloque. Il s'agira donc d'interroger non seulement la cohérence et l'efficacité d'un tel dispositif d'évaluation sur la perception de l'apprentissage des étudiants, mais également de réfléchir à son l'impact sur les défis rencontrés par l'enseignement universitaire.